EDITORIAL

Nov. 14, 2009 (McClatchy-Tribune Regional News delivered by Newstex) -- If Idaho Congressman Walt Minnick has a master plan for winning re-election, he's keeping it to himself. In one night, he handed Republicans a reason to want him gone. And he reminded Democrats why they're ambivalent about keeping him.

The setting was last week's historic House passage of health care reform. Leading up to it, Minnick voted against an amendment that blocks people who purchase health insurance with government subsidies from obtaining policies that cover abortions.

You can debate the merits of having the federal taxpayer covering the cost of an abortion, which is why Congress prohibits Medicaid from paying for the procedure. Here you have government dictating reproductive health choices to millions of women under the guise of private health care reform.

Minnick voted no, and good for him. But it was a protest. With House liberals holding their noses in order to pass health care reform, the amendment passed 240-194. Republicans like Minnick's colleagues, U.S. Reps. Mike Simpson, R-Idaho, and Cathy McMorris Rodgers, R-Wash., also voted for the successful amendment.

All Minnick did was make himself a target. As political historian Randy Stapilus noted this week, one conservative blogger was already salivating at the prospect of the heretofore prudent Minnick exposing himself on the right: "I think Mr. Minnick just opened a huge winning issue for whoever gets the Republican nomination to challenge Minnick next year."

Minnick can argue he occupies the sensible middle on the question of abortion rights. It's also true that anyone who disagrees with Minnick on abortion was already solidly with his opposition. These aren't the voters he won last time.

But he just gave many of those folks in the GOP's rank-and-file some incentives to work for a Republican next year. Which wouldn't matter so much if Minnick's troops were equally committed.

But this is the party that sees health care reform as the next triumph in a legacy that includes Social Security and Medicare. Health care reform passed 220 to 215. Had three votes switched sides, it would have been defeated and Minnick was with 39 Democratic defectors.

Perhaps he would have joined with his party had his vote been critical. But Minnick sure doesn't talk like it. When Minnick criticizes the plan's cost, its government-run public option and its focus, he almost mimics the Republican talking heads who maintain House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and the Democrats could have had a bipartisan bill if they'd started small and worked on areas of mutual agreement. They suggest passing tort reform and eliminating some of the most odious practices of the private health insurance industry -- such as bans on pre-existing conditions or allowing competition across state lines. All are good ideas, but they don't get at the heart of the problem: extending health insurance to people who can't get it.

Democrats didn't hand Minnick his narrow margin of victory last year over then-U.S. Rep. Bill Sali. That credit goes to disaffected moderate Republicans who didn't like Sali's hard-right views and appreciated Sali's combative personality even less.

So Minnick's been careful not to lose them. But Democrats are making with the snide comments about Minnick picking the Democratic label from necessity, not passion. Some are griping about closing their checkbooks or refusing to campaign for him. Some are even threatening to skip this race on next year's ballot.

Let's see. Minnick's base is demoralized. His opposition's base is energized. How is that suppose to work?

Confused?

Join the club. -- M.T.

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